Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
.mw-parser-output .nobold{font-weight:normal} محمد ضیاء الحق
6th President of Pakistan
In office 16 September 1978 – 17 August 1988
Prime Minister	Muhammad Khan Junejo
Preceded by	Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
Succeeded by	Ghulam Ishaq Khan
Chief of Army Staff
In office 1 March 1976 – 17 August 1988
Preceded by	Tikka Khan
Succeeded by	Mirza Aslam Beg
Personal details
Born	(1924-08-12)12 August 1924 Jalandhar, Punjab, British India (Now in Punjab, India)
Died	17 August 1988(1988-08-17) (aged 64) Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan
Resting place	Faisal Mosque
Nationality	British Indian (1924–1947) Pakistani (1947–1988)
Spouse(s)	Begum Shafiq Zia (1950–1988; his death)[1]
Children	5 (including Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq)
Alma mater	St. Stephen's College, Delhi United States Army Command and General Staff College
Military service
Nickname(s)	Mard-e-Momin
Allegiance	British India  Pakistan
Service/branch	British Indian Army  Pakistan Army
Years of service	1943–1988
Rank	General
Unit	22 Cavalry, Army Armoured Corps (PA – 1810)
Commands	2nd Independent Armoured Brigade 1st Armoured Division II Strike Corps Chief of Army Staff
Battles/wars	World War II Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 Black September in Jordan Soviet–Afghan War

This article is part of a series about Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
Early life Military coup Zia administration Political views Hudood Ordinances Islamization Economic policy Elections 1985 President of Pakistan Human rights abuses Referendum in 1984 Eighth Amendment Ojhri Cantt disaster Death State funeral Shafi–ur–Rehman Commission A Case of Exploding Mangoes Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video
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Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (12 August 1924 – 17 August 1988) was a Pakistani four-star general who served as the 6th President of Pakistan from 1978 until his death in 1988, after declaring martial law in 1977. He remains the country’s longest-serving de facto head of state.

Educated at Delhi University, Zia saw action in World War II as a British Indian Army officer in Burma and Malaya, before opting for Pakistan in 1947 and fighting as a tank commander in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. In 1970, he led a military training mission to Jordan, proving instrumental to defeating the Black September insurgency against King Hussein.^[2] In recognition, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto appointed Zia Chief of Army Staff in 1976.^[3] Following civil disorder, Zia deposed Bhutto in a military coup and declared martial law on 5 July 1977.^[4] Bhutto was controversially tried by the Supreme Court and executed less than two years later, for allegedly authorising the murder of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a political opponent.^[5]

Assuming the presidency in 1978, Zia played a major role in the Soviet–Afghan War. Backed by the United States and Saudi Arabia, Zia systematically coordinated the Afghan mujahideen against the Soviet occupation throughout the 1980s.^[6][7] This culminated in the Soviet Union's withdrawal in 1989, but also led to the proliferation of millions of refugees, with heroin and weaponry into Pakistan's frontier province. On the foreign front, Zia also bolstered ties with China and the United States, and emphasised Pakistan's role in the Islamic world, while relations with India worsened amid the Siachen conflict and accusations that Pakistan was aiding the Khalistan movement. Domestically, Zia passed broad-ranging legislation as part of Pakistan's Islamization, curbed civil liberties, and heightened press censorship.^[8] He also escalated Pakistan's atomic bomb project, and instituted industrialisation and deregulation, helping Pakistan's economy become the fastest-growing in South Asia.^[9] Averaged over Zia's rule, GDP growth was the highest in the country's history.^[10]

After lifting martial law and holding non-partisan elections in 1985, Zia appointed Muhammad Khan Junejo Prime Minister but accumulated more presidential powers via the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution.^[11] After Junejo signed the Geneva Accords in 1988 against Zia's wishes, and called for an inquiry into the Ojhri Camp disaster, Zia dismissed Junejo's government and announced fresh elections in November 1988. He was killed along with several of his top military officials and two American diplomats in a mysterious plane crash near Bahawalpur on 17 August 1988. To this day, Zia remains a polarising figure in Pakistan's history, credited for preventing wider Soviet incursions into the region as well as economic prosperity, but decried for weakening democratic institutions and passing laws encouraging religious intolerance.^[12][13] He is also cited for promoting the early political career of Nawaz Sharif, who would be thrice elected Prime Minister.^[14][15]

Contents

• 
  1 Early life
  


• 
  2 Military service
  


• 
  3 Planning of coup
  
  
  
  • 
    3.1 Civil disorders against Bhutto
    
  
  
  • 
    3.2 1977 Parliamentary elections
    
  
  
  • 
    3.3 Coup d'état
    
  
  
  • 
    3.4 United States sponsorship
    
  
  
  • 
    3.5 Postponement of elections and call for accountability
    
  
  
  
  


• 
  4 Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator
  
  
  
  • 
    4.1 The Doctrine of Necessity
    
  
  
  • 
    4.2 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial
    
  
  
  • 
    4.3 Appointment of Martial Law Administrators
    
    
    
    • 
      4.3.1 Martial law judges
      
    
    
    • 
      4.3.2 Martial law governors
      
    
    
    
    
  
  
  
  


• 
  5 Reign as President of Pakistan
  
  
  
  • 
    5.1 Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan
    
  
  
  • 
    5.2 Political structural changes
    
    
    
    • 
      5.2.1 Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora
      
    
    
    • 
      5.2.2 Referendum of 1984
      
    
    
    • 
      5.2.3 1985 elections and constitutional amendments
      
    
    
    • 
      5.2.4 Economic policy
      
    
    
    
    
  
  
  • 
    5.3 Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives
    
    
    
    • 
      5.3.1 Soviet invasion and Soviet–Afghan War
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.2 Consolidation of atomic bomb programme
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.3 Nuclear diplomacy
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.4 Nuclear proliferation
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.5 Expansion
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.6 International standing enhancement and resumption of aid
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.7 Fighting the war by proxy
      
    
    
    • 
      5.3.8 The war legacy
      
    
    
    
    
  
  
  • 
    5.4 'Sharization' of Pakistan
    
    
    
    • 
      5.4.1 Hudood Ordinance
      
    
    
    • 
      5.4.2 Other sharia laws
      
    
    
    • 
      5.4.3 Blasphemy ordinances
      
    
    
    • 
      5.4.4 Madrassa Expansions
      
    
    
    • 
      5.4.5 Cultural policies
      
    
    
    • 
      5.4.6 Welfare of the people with disabilities
      
    
    
    
    
  
  
  • 
    5.5 Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections
    
  
  
  
  


• 
  6 Death
  


• 
  7 Legacy
  
  
  
  • 
    7.1 Funeral and aftermath
    
  
  
  • 
    7.2 Public image
    
  
  
  • 
    7.3 Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan
    
  
  
  
  


• 
  8 Honours
  


• 
  9 Portrayals in popular culture
  


• 
  10 See also
  


• 
  11 References
  


• 
  12 Bibliography
  


• 
  13 Further reading
  


• 
  14 External links
  

Early life

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was born in a Punjabi Arain family in Jalandhar, Punjab Province of the British India,^[16] on 12 August 1924 as the second child of Muhammad Akbar, who worked as a staff clerk in the Army GHQ of India Command of British Armed Forces in Delhi and Shimla, prior to the independence of Pakistan from British colonial rule in 1947.^[17] Most accounts confirm that Zia-ul-Haq came from a religious family and religion played an important part in molding his personality. His father was known as ''Maulvi'' Akbar Ali due to his religious devotion.^[18]

He completed his initial education in Simla and then attended St. Stephen's College of the University of Delhi for his BA degree in History, which he graduated with highest marks in the college in 1943.^[17] Prior to his graduation, Zia joined the British Indian Army in 1943.^{[citation needed]} During his collegiate years, he was noted as an extraordinary talent.^[17] Zia-ul-Haq occasionally offended his British superiors with his refusal to give up religious and cultural traditions. Zia-ul-Haq attributed his personal resistance to the lifestyle of the British Indian cavalry to his faith in ''God and his teachings.''^[18]

He married Shafiq Jahan in 1950.^[19] Begum Shafiq Zia died on 6 January 1996.^[20] Zia is survived by his sons, Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq,^[21] (born 1953),^[22] who went into politics and became a cabinet minister in the government of Nawaz Sharif, and Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1960)^[23][24] and his daughters, Zain^[25][26][27] (born 1972),^[28] a special needs child, Rubina Saleem, who is married to a Pakistani banker and has been living in the United States since 1980,^[29] and Quratulain Zia who currently lives in London, and is married to Pakistani doctor, Adnan Majid.^[30]

Military service

Zia was commissioned in the British Indian Army in the Guides Cavalry on 12 May 1943 after graduating from the Officer Training School Mhow^[31] and fought against Japanese forces in Burma in World War II. After Pakistan gained its independence through a partition in 1947, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Army as a Captain in the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He also served in 13th Lancers and 6 Lancers. He was trained in the United States during 1962–1964 at the US Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. After that, he returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta.^[32] During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia is said to have been the Assistant Quartermaster of the 101st Infantry Brigade.^[33]

In 1966, Zia took over command of 22 Cavalry and later was Col Staff of 1st Armoured Division. He was stationed in Jordan from 1969 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in the training of Jordanian soldiers, as well as leading them into battle during the Black September operations against the Palestine Liberation Organization as commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial to King Hussein's remaining in power in Jordan. In 1972 he took over command of 9 Armoured Brigade, 6th Armoured Division By 1973, then Major General Zia was commanding the 1st Armoured Division at Multan.^[32]

He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II Strike Corps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time that Zia invited Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armoured Corps at Multan, using his tailor to stitch the Blue Patrols of his size. The next day, Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target, where the target was quite obviously hit. After the function, Zia met Bhutto and expressed his loyalty to him .^[3]

On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved then-three star rank general Lieutenant-General Zia as Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to four-star rank.^[34]

This promotion was ahead of a number of more senior officers.^[35] This promotion was highly controversial but had political motives for Bhutto, who saw Zia as firmly religious and an apolitical military figure who had distaste of politics.^{[2][page needed]} This was the same motives and move made by future Prime minister Nawaz Sharif who promoted Pervez Musharraf based on his political ambitious, as Chief of Army Staff, but met the same fate as Bhutto in 1999 (although he was not executed).^[2]

At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan, the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were: Muhammad Shariff, Akbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed, Azmat Baksh Awan, Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed Malik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most junior, superseding seven more senior lieutenant-generals.^[36] However, the senior most at that time, Lieutenant-General Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to General, was made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post akin to President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry.^[37] Zia never called Bhutto "Mr. Prime Minister", instead he called him sir when speaking to him.^[38]

Planning of coup

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Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed, the democratic socialists alliance who had previously allied with Bhutto began to diminish as time progresses.^[5] Initially targeting leader of the opposition Vali Khan and his opposition National Awami Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal governments decision to oust the NAP provincial government in Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist activities^[39] and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Civil disorders against Bhutto

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.^[40]

1977 Parliamentary elections

On 8 January 1977, a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance^[40] (PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated fully in those elections. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the newly elected Bhutto government as illegitimate.^{[citation needed]}

Coup d'état

Further information: Operation Fair Play

Soon, all the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.^[5] Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest.^[41] On 21 April 1977, Bhutto imposed martial law in the major cities of Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad.^[42] However, a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition was ultimately reported.^[43] Zia planned the Coup d'état carefully, as he knew Bhutto had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMI) and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.^{[citation needed]}

The coup, (called "Operation Fair Play") transpired in the small hours of 5 July 1977. Before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of Military Police under the order of Zia.^[40] Bhutto tried to call Zia but all telephone lines were disconnected. When Zia spoke to him later, he reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry that he had been forced to perform such an "unpleasant task".^[44]

Zia and his military government portrayed the coup as a "spontaneous response to a difficult situation", but his response was a complete contradiction. Soon after the coup, Zia told the British journalist Edward Behr of Newsweek:

.mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}

I [Zia] am the only man who took this decision [Fair Play] and I did so on 1700 Hrs on 4[th] July after hearing the press statement which indicated that the talks between Mr. Bhutto and the opposition had broken down. Had an agreement been reached between them, I would certainly never had done what I did.

— General Zia-ul-Haq, statement given to Newsweek, ^[45]

However, Zia's Chief of Army Staff General Khalid Mahmud Arif contradicted Zia's statement when Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior leadership of Pakistan Armed Forces had solid information. Therefore, Arif met with Bhutto on an emergency basis, stressing and urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations with the opposition".^[2] By Arif's and independent expert's accounts, the talks had not broken down even though the coup was very much in the offing. Zia further argued that Fair Play against Bhutto had been necessitated by the prospect of a civil war that Bhutto had been planning, by distributing weapons to his supporters. However, Arif strongly rejected Zia's remarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence that weapons were found or recovered at any of the party's election offices, the military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of planning civil war.^[2]

Immediately, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff announced his and the navy's strong support for Zia and his military government. But, the Chief of Air Staff General Zulfikar Ali Khan remains unsupported while the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Muhammad Shariff remains neutral, while he silently expressed his support to Prime minister Zulfikar Bhutto.^[2] In 1978, Zia pressured President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff; and Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979.^[46] On Zia's recommendation, President Illahi appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, hence making the Admiral the highest ranking officer and principal military adviser overlooking all of the inter-services, including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces.^[46] In 1979, the Chiefs of Army, Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff validated the coup as constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances, pledging their support to Zia as well.^{[2][page needed]}

United States sponsorship

President Ronald Reagan and Bill Clark meeting with President Zia-ul-Haq, 1982.

The United States, notably the Reagan Administration, was an ardent supporter of Zia's military regime and a close ally of Pakistan's conservative-leaning ruling military establishment.^[47] The Reagan administration declared Zia's regime as the "front line" ally of the United States in the fight against the threat of Communism.^[47][48] American legislators and senior officials most notable were Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, Charlie Wilson, Joanne Herring, and the civilian intelligence officers Michael Pillsbury and Gust Avrakotos, and senior US military officials General John William Vessey, and General Herbert M. Wassom, had been long associated with the Zia military regime where they had made frequent trips to Pakistan advising on expanding the idea of establishment in the political circle of Pakistan.^[47] Nominally, the American conservatism of Ronald Reagan's Republican Party influenced Zia to adopt his idea of Islamic conservatism as the primary line of his military government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic and other religious practices in the country.^[47]

The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and as well as brought a clinging bell tolls alarm to the United States who feared the loss of Pakistan as an ally in the cold war.^[2] Many of Pakistan's political scientists and historians widely suspected that the riots and coup against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was orchestrated with help of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States Government because United States growing fear of Bhutto's socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic towards the Soviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to be involved in Pakistan, and had access through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.^[47][49] Former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing down the Bhutto's government, and publicly accused the United States' Government after attending the trial.^[49] On the other hand, the United States refused any involvement in Bhutto's fall, and argued that it was Bhutto who had alienated himself over the five years.^[2] While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one US diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The socialist economics and nationalization of major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the Business circles.... An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and traders. Both leftists—socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists—felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan's traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto's aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....^[2]

Postponement of elections and call for accountability

After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on national television, PTV promising to hold new and neutral parliamentary elections within the next 90 days^[2]

My sole aim is to organise free and fair elections which would be held in October this year. Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the elected representatives of the people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from this schedule.^[50]

He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated, but temporarily suspended. Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators to ensure the country's integrity and sovereignty^[2] therefore, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for the politicians.^[51] On television, Zia strongly defended his decision for postponing the elections and demanded that "scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past".^[51] Thus, the PNA adopted its policy of "retribution first, elections later".^[51] Zia's policy severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malicious.^[52] Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power the size of the Pakistan Peoples Party rallies would swell and better performance in elections was possible.^[2] This led to request for postponement of elections by the right-wing Islamists as well as left-wing socialists, formerly allied with Bhutto, which displaced Bhutto in the first place. Zia dispatched an intelligence unit, known as ISI's Political Wing, sending Brigadier-General Taffazul Hussain Siddiqiui, to Bhutto's native Province, Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial law. The Political Wing also contacted the several right-wing Islamists and conservatives, promising an election, with PNA power-sharing the government with Zia. Zia successfully divided and separated the secular forces from right-wing Islamists and conservatives, and later purged each member of the secular front.^[2]

A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been members of parliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next seven years.^[51] A white paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts.^[51]

It is reported by senior officers that when Zia met federal secretaries for the first time as leader of the country after martial law, he said that "He does not possess the charisma of Bhutto, personality of Ayub Khan or the legitimacy of Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.^[2]

Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator

After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia-ul-Haq declared martial law, and appointed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until becoming president on 16 September 1978.

The Doctrine of Necessity

Main article: Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization

Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against Zia's military regime, challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, in what would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 Doctrine of necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, Zia's overthrowing of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgement tightened the general's hold on the government. When Bhutto appeared personally to argue his appeal in the supreme court, he almost affirmed his concurrence with the judges present for not letting off a judgement without imposing some conditions on ruling military government.^{[clarification needed]}

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial

Former elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but released shortly afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds of PPP supporters. On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by the Army on charges of authorising the murder of a political opponent in March 1974. The trial proceedings began 24 October 1977 and lasted five months.
On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was declared guilty of murder and was sentenced to death.

In the words of Aftab Kazie and Roedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used inappropriate language and insults to describe Bhutto and his colleagues.^{[53][54][55][full citation needed]} The Supreme Court ruled four to three in favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician.^[56] Despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence.^[56]
On 4 April 1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as passed by the Lahore High Court.^[56]

The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military was condemned by the international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan.^[56] Bhutto's trial was highly controversial.^[56]

Bhutto's last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long defence of his conduct; he also made some matters clear. He mentioned the words of "heir" for his son "Mir Murtaza Bhutto". He made some remark which indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-practicing one. He also effectively cast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses against him i.e. Masood Mahmood who was a UK-trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even though indirectly that he wanted either freedom or death, not some thing in between, and appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar.^{[citation needed]}

Appointment of Martial Law Administrators

Martial law judges

Main article: Supreme Court of Pakistan

The Ad hoc appointments of senior justices at the Supreme Court of Pakistan was one of the earliest and major steps were taken out by the military government under General Zia-ul-Haq.^[57] Zia had recognised the fact that since, Bhutto had good equations with the governments of the Soviet Union, China, and all the important western countries, excluding the United States.^[57] Still, it was a formidable array of sovereigns, presidents and prime ministers and the PPP can be forgiven for making a massive political miscalculations.^[57]

After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Illahi to appoint Justice Sheikh Anwarul Haq to Chief Justice of Pakistan on 23 September 1977.^[57] Immediately, chief justice Yaqub Ali was forcefully removed from the office after the latter agreed to re-hear the petition filed at the supreme court by the peoples party's chairwoman Nusrat Bhutto on 20 September 1977.^[57] After Justice Yaqub Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of the new Chief Justice, Sheikh Anwar-ul-Haq, as a chief justice of the Bench on the grounds that by accepting the office of acting president during the absence of Zia-ul-Haq from the country, he had compromised his impartial status.^[57] Bhutto also stated that the Chief Justice in his public statements had been critical of his government in the recent past.^[57]

The objection was over-ruled by the Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and the case of Bhutto was again heard by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq as the bench's lead judge, and presided the whole case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law throughout Pakistan.^[57] Shortly, after Zia's return, another judge Mushtak Ahmad also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's support and elevated as the ad hoc Chief Justice of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the bench who retained the death sentence of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared guilty of the murder of the political opponent.^[57] In 1979, when Zia departed for Saudi Arabia, Justice Haq served as interim president of Pakistan.^[57]

Martial law governors

Zia presenting the Hilal-i-Imtiaz to Shamim Alam Khan.

The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to carte blanche provincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade Lieutenant-General Fazhle Haque was appointed Martial Law Administrator of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province. Lieutenant-General Fazle Haque was considered a strong vocal General and a strong man. General Haque was the commander of the XI Corps, and commanding-general officer of the Army elements responsible for fighting a secret war against Soviet Union.^{[citation needed]}

The second appointment was of Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi who was appointed Martial Law Administrator of Sindh Province; his tenure too saw civil disorder amid student riots.^{[citation needed]} By contrast, third martial law administrator appointment of Lieutenant-General Ghulam Jilani Khan to the Punjab Province made much headway in beautifying Lahore extending infrastructure, and muting political opposition.^{[citation needed]} The ascent of Navaz Sharif to Chief Minister of Punjab was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship. Perhaps most crucially, final and fourth martial law administrator appointment was then-Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan. Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to the post of Martial Law Administrator of Balochistan Province saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, the containment of Afghan Mujahideen, as well as the construction of nuclear test sites in the Chagai District.^{[citation needed]}

Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin, sophisticated weaponry, and countless refugees in from neighbouring Afghanistan. Law and order deterioration was worse after he appointed Mr. Junejo as Prime minister in 1985.^{[citation needed]} The government did not locate evidence of Zia having a relationship in the heroin trade, but has been considered.^[58]

Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously had worked with the military governments of former president Yahya Khan and Ayub Khan in the 1960s.^[46] One of the notable officers that had worked with him were General Khalid Arief, Chief of Army Staff, and Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Chairman Joint Chiefs.^[46] Both were noted by Western governments as highly capable and had wide experience from the military government of the East-Pakistan and remained General Zia' confidential members.^{[46][page needed][59]}

Both Admiral Sharif and General Arif handled the matters efficiently if the matters were out of control by Zia. In 1979, Zia influenced the Navy's Promotion Board several times after he succeeded first in the appointment of Admiral Caramatt Nazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979, and Admiral Tarik Kamal Khan, also chief of naval staff, in 1983.^[46] On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved the appointment of General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff and following President's resignation, Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator.^[46] In the matters of serious national security, General Zia had taken the chief of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after he discussed the matters with the respected chiefs of Staff.^[46] Zia's appointment in inter-services were highly crucial for his military government and pre-emptive measure to ensure the continuous loyalty of Navy and Air Force to himself and his new military government.^[46]

Reign as President of Pakistan

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan

General Zia-ul-Haq during a meeting with United States dignitaries

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead.^[60] After completing his term, and despite Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978. Thus his position was cemented as the undisputed ruler of the country. Over the next six years, Zia issued several decrees which amended the constitution and greatly expanded his power. Most significantly, the Revival of Constitution of 1973 Order granted Zia the power to dissolve the National Assembly virtually at will.

The Military Government of General Zia-ul-Haq
Presidential cabinet	Officer holder	Term
President	General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq	1978–1988
Prime Minister	Mohammad Khan Junejo	1985–1988
Foreign Affairs	Agha Shahi Lt.General Yaqub Khan	1977–1982 1982–1992
Treasury	Ghulam Ishaq Khan Dr. Mahbub-ul-Haq	1977–1985 1985–1988
Law, Justice	Sharifuddin Pirzada	1977–1988
Interior	Air Mshl Inamul Haq Khan Mahmoud Haroon Lt.General Farooq Lodhi Aslam Khan Wasim Sajjad	1977–1978 1978–1984 1984–1985 1985–1987 1987–1988
Defence	Lt.General Ghulam Jilani Khan Maj.General Rahim Khan	1977–1980 1980–1988
Science advisor	Lt.General Zahid Ali Akbar Munir Ahmad Khan	1977–1983 1983–1988
Health	Lt.General Vajid Ali Khan	1977–1988
Media broadcasting	Brig.General Siddique Salik	1977–1988
Internal Security	Roedad Khan	1977–1988
Public Service	Adm Mohammad Sharif	1980–1988
Communications	Adm Tariq Kamal Khan	1986–1988
Economic	Adm Karamat Rahman Niazi	1983–1988
Intelligence	Maj.General Rao Farman Ali	1983–1988

Political structural changes

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora

Main articles: Parliament of Pakistan, Technocracy, and Bureaucracy

Although ostensibly only holding office until free elections could be held, General Zia, like the previous military governments, disapproved of the lack of discipline and orderliness that often accompanies multiparty "parliamentary democracy." He preferred a "presidential" form of government^[61] and a system of decision making by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first replacement for the parliament or National Assembly was a Majlis-e-Shoora, or "consultative council." After banning all political parties in 1979 he disbanded Parliament and at the end of 1981 set up the majlis, which was to act as a sort of board of advisors to the President and assist with the process of Islamization.^[62]
The 350 members of the Shoora were to be nominated by the President and possessed only the power to consult with him,^[61] and in reality served only to endorse decisions already taken by the government.^[61][63]
Most members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields.^{[citation needed]}

Zia's parliament and his military government reflect the idea of "military-bureaucratic technocracy" (MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile military officers were initially part of his military government. His antipathy for the politicians led the promotion of bureaucratic-technocracy which was seen a strong weapon of countering the politicians and their political strongholds.^{[citation needed]} Senior statesman and technocrats were included physicist-turned diplomat Agha Shahi, jurist Sharifuddin Perzada, corporate leader Nawaz Sharif, economist Mahbub ul Haq, and senior statesman Aftab Kazie, Roedad Khan, and chemist-turned diplomat Ghulam Ishaq Khan were a few of the leading technocratic figures in his military government.

Referendum of 1984

After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both internationally and within Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected representatives, Zia-ul-Haq attempted to secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on 19 December 1984 with the option being to elect or reject the General as the future President, the wording of the referendum making a vote against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.^[61] According to official figures 95% of votes were cast in favour of Zia, however only 10% of the electorate participated in the referendum.

1985 elections and constitutional amendments

Main articles: Eighth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan and Pakistani general election, 1985

After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gave permission to election commission to hold national wide general elections but without political parties in February 1985.^[11] Most of the major opposing political parties decided to boycott the elections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. Critics complained that ethnic and sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political parties (or making elections "non-partisan"), to the detriment of national integration.^[64]

The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve the National Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed forces. His prime minister Muhammad Khan Junejo was known as unassuming and soft-spoken but was a Sindhi.^[11]

Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law, Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his coup of 1977.^{[citation needed]} He also managed to get several amendments passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the Parliament.^[11] However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper.^[11] The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or the government could not function in a constitutional manner.^[11]

Economic policy

Main article: Market Corporatization in Pakistan

See also: Fifth Five-Year Plans of Pakistan

In general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside from Islamization) and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Aftab Qazi and Vaseem Jaffrey.
^[65] However, between 1977 and 1986, the country experienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%—the highest in the world at that time—thanks in large part to remittances from the overseas workers, rather than government policy.^[65] The first year of Zia's government coincided with a dramatic rise in remittances, which totalled $3.2 billion/year for most of the 1980s, accounted for 10 percent of Pakistans's GDP; 45 percent of its current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings.^[66][67]

By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto, the economic cycle process of nationalisation program was completed. The socialist orientation and nationalisation program was slowly reversed; the idea of corporatisation was heavily favoured by President Zia-ul-Haq to direct the authoritarianism in the nationalised industries. One of his well-known and earliest initiatives were aimed to Islamized the national economy which featured the Interest-free economic cycle. No actions towards privatising the industries were ordered by President Zia; only three steel mill industries were returned to its previous owners.

By the end of 1987, the Finance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging the gradual privatisation and economic liberalisation.

Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives

Soviet invasion and Soviet–Afghan War

Main article: Soviet–Afghan War

On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union (USSR) intervened in Afghanistan.^[68] Following this invasion, Zia chaired a meeting and was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the USSR^[68] Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan resistance (the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States.^[68]

During this meeting, the Director-General of the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) then-Lieutenant-General Akhtar Abdur Rahman advocated for a covert operation in Afghanistan by arming Islamic extremists.^[68] During this meeting, General Rahman was heard saying: "Kabul must burn! Kabul must burn!",^[68] and mastered the idea of a proxy war in Afghanistan.^[68] After this meeting, Zia authorised this operation under General Rahman, and it was later merged with Operation Cyclone, a programme funded by the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).^[68]

In November 1982, Zia travelled to Moscow to attend the funeral of Leonid Brezhnev, the late General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and new Secretary General Yuri Andropov met with Zia there. Andropov expressed indignation over Pakistan's support of the Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union and its satellite state, Socialist Afghanistan. Zia took his hand and assured him, "General Secretary, believe me, Pakistan wants nothing but very good relations with the Soviet Union".^[69] According to Gromyko, Zia's sincerity convinced them, but Zia's actions didn't live up to his words.^[69]

Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing stronger links with the United States, Japan, and the Western world.^[70] Zia broken off relations with the Socialist state and State capitalism became his major economic policy. US politician Charlie Wilson claims that Zia directly dealt with the Israelis, working to build covert relations with them, allowing the country to actively participate in the Soviet–Afghan War. Helped by ISI, the Mossad channelled Soviet reversed engineered weapons to Afghanistan.^[70] In Wilson's own word, Zia is reported to have remarked to the Israeli intelligence service: "Just don't put any stars of David on the boxes".^[70]

Consolidation of atomic bomb programme

One of the earliest initiatives taken by Zia in 1977, was to militarise the integrated atomic energy programme which was founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1972.^[71] During the first stages, the programme was under the control of Bhutto and the Directorate for Science, under Science Advisor Dr. Mubashir Hassan, who was heading the civilian committee that supervised the construction of the facilities and laboratories.^[71] This atomic bomb project had no boundaries with Munir Ahmad Khan and Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately and reported to Bhutto and his science adviser Dr. Hassan who had little interest in the atomic bomb project.^[71] Major-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineering officer, had little role in the atomic project; Zia responded by taking over the programme under military control and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest of Hassan. This whole giant nuclear energy project was transferred into the administrative hands of Major-General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-General and Engineer-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers to deal with the authorities whose co-operation was required. Akbar consolidated the entire project by placing the scientific research under military control, setting boundaries and goals. Akbar proved to be an extremely capable officer in the matters of science and technology when he aggressively led the development of nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan in a matter of five years.^[71]

By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional and 90% of the work on atom bomb project was completed. Both the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) and the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had built the extensive research infrastructure started by Bhutto. Akbar's office was shifted to Army Combatant General Headquarters (GHQ) and Akbar guided Zia on key matters of nuclear science and atomic bomb production. He became the first engineering officer to have acknowledge Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully matured programme. On the recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment of Munir Ahmad Khan as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was convinced by Akbar that civilian scientists under Munir Khan's directorship were at their best to counter international pressure.^[71]

This was proved when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device, codename Kirana-I on 11 March 1983 at the Weapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the leadership of weapon-testing laboratory's director Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad.^[71] Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar went to GHQ and notified Zia about the success of this test. The PAEC responded by conducting several cold-tests throughout the 1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir Bhutto in the 1990s.^[71] According to the reference in the book, "Eating Grass", Zia was so deeply convinced of the infiltration of Western and American moles and spies into the project, that he extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme "paranoia", in both his personal and professional life.^[72] He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated from each other and made critical administrative decisions rather than putting scientists in charge of the aspects of the atomic programmes.^[72] His actions spurred innovation in the atomic bomb project and an intense secrecy and security culture permeated PAEC and KRL.^[72]

Nuclear diplomacy

Unlike Bhutto, who faced rogue criticism and a heated diplomatic war with the United States throughout the 1970s, Zia took different diplomatic approaches to counter the international pressure.^[71] From 1979 to 1983, the country was made a subject of attack by international organisation for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); Zia deftly neutralised international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme to the nuclear designs of the neighbouring Indian nuclear programme.^[71] Zia, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Agha Shahi, Foreign Minister, drew a five-point proposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to sign the NPT; the points including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons.^[73]

“	(sic)...Either General Zia did not know the facts about country's atomic bomb project... Or General Zia was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever met...."	”
— Vernon Walters, 1981, [74]

Following the success of Operation Opera— in which an Israeli Air Force strike took place to destroy the Iraqi nuclear programme in 1981— suspicion grew in Pakistan that the Indian Air Force had similar plans for Pakistan.^[75] In a private meeting with General Anwar Shamim, then-Chief of Air Staff, Zia had notified General Shamim that the Indian Air Force had plans to infiltrate Pakistan's nuclear energy project, citing solid evidence.^[75] Shamim felt that the Air Force was unable to divert such attacks, therefore, he advised Zia to use diplomacy through Munir Ahmad Khan to divert the attacks.^[75] At Vienna, Munir Ahmad Khan met with Indian physicist Raja Ramanna and notified him that such an attack would provoke a nuclear war between the two countries.^[76] In the meantime, Shamim decided to start the programme to acquire the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fanton jets for the Pakistan Air Force.^[75] Shamim launched Operation Sentinel- a counter operation that thwarted the Israeli Air Force attempt to sabotage Pakistan's nuclear energy project— forced Indian Premier Indira Gandhi to held talks with Pakistan on nuclear issues and directed a high delegation to Pakistan where both countries pledged not to assist or attack each other's facilities. In 1985, following the induction of the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fantons, Shamim commissioned the Air Force Strategic Command to protect and battle the weapons of mass destruction.^[75]

In 1977, Zia ultimately adopted the policy of "Nuclear opacity" to deliberately deny the atomic bomb programmes.^[74] This policy of nuclear ambiguity was adopted after witnessing the success of Israel's nuclear programme and on multiple occasions Zia broke his words and promises concerning the nature of the country's atomic bomb project.^[74] On nuclear policy issues, Zia deliberately misguided the United States and concealed classified information from the outside world.^[74] The United States trusted Zia's sincerity and his promises made to the United States; Zia gave assurances to the United States not to produce weapons-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU) above a 5% level.^[74] However, the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Vernon Walter, confronted Zia on his secret trip to Pakistan in October 1981. Confronted with the evidence, Zia acknowledged that the information "must be true," but then denied everything, leading Walters to conclude that: "either Zia "did not know the facts" or was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever met...".^[74]

Nuclear proliferation

Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret to the outside world.^[71] Part of his strategy was the promotion of nuclear proliferation in anti-western states (such as North Korea, Iran, and communist China) to aid their own nuclear ambitions, to divert international attention which was difficult.^[71] In 1981, Zia contracted with China when he sent weapon-grade uranium to China and also built the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly enhanced the Chinese nuclear programme.^[71] This act encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan, who allegedly tried to aid the Libyan nuclear programme but because Libya–Pakistan relations were strained, Khan was warned of serious consequences.^[71] This policy envisaged that this would deflect international pressure onto these countries, and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.^[77]

After Zia's death, his successor General Mirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff, encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded nations such as North Korea, Iran and Libya which also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. In 2004, Abdul Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weapons programme was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistan Armed Forces and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and President General Pervez Musharraf.^[78] Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had a deep impact on the world, especially anti-western states, most nominally North Korea and Iran. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea would soon follow the same suit after it was targeted by the international community for its on-going nuclear programme. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid the Syrian and Iranian nuclear programmes in the 1990s.^[71] The North Korean connection to the Syrian nuclear programme was exposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic operation, Orchard, which resulted in them sabotaging the Syrian nuclear programme as well as the deaths of 10 senior North-Korean scientists who were aiding the nuclear program.

Expansion

Even though Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project, Zia did not completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons. After the retirement of Zahid Ali Akbar, Zia transferred control of the nuclear weapons programme to Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan, Chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. Soon, Zia promoted Khan as the technical director of the entire programme as well as appointing Khan as his Science Adviser.^[71] With the support of handpicked civilian Prime Minister Muhammad Juneijo, Zia sanctioned the launch of the 50 Megawatt (MW) heavy water plutonium production reactor, known as Khushab-I, at Khushab in 1985.^[71] Zia also took initiatives to launched the space projects as spin-off to nuclear project.^[71] Zia appointed nuclear engineer Salim Mehmud as the Administrator of the Space Research Commission.^[79] Zia also launched the work on the country's first satellite, Badr-1, a military satellite.^[79] In 1987, Zia launched the clandestine aerospace project, the Integrated Missile Research Programme under General Anwar Shamim in 1985, and later under Lieutenant-General Talat Masood in 1987.^[80]

International standing enhancement and resumption of aid

Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Soviet invaders. Pakistan–United States relations took a much more positive turn. US President Jimmy Carter and his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, cut off US aid to Pakistan on the grounds that Pakistan had not made sufficient progress on the nuclear issue. Then, on 25 December 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, and Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in aid over three years. Zia rejected this as "peanuts."^[81] Carter also signed the finding in 1980 that allowed less than $50 million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan came to office, defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed, due to President Reagan's new priorities and the unlikely and remarkably effective effort by Congressman Charles Wilson aided by Joanne Herring, and CIA Afghan Desk Chief Gust Avrakotos to increase the funding for Operation Cyclone. Aid to the Afghan resistance, and to Pakistan, increased substantially, finally reaching $1 billion. The United States, faced with a rival superpower looking as if it were to create another Communist bloc, now engaged Zia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in Afghanistan against the Soviets.

Fighting the war by proxy

Zia now found himself in a position to demand billions of dollars in aid for the mujahideen from the Western states, famously dismissing a United States proposed $325 million aid package as "peanuts". Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and Special Service Group now became actively involved in the conflict, and in co-operation with the Central Intelligence Agency and the United States Army Special Forces supported the armed struggle against the Soviets.

In 1981, Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter as President of the United States. Reagan was completely against the Soviet Union and its communist satellites, dubbing it "the evil empire". Reagan now increased financial aid heading for Pakistan. In 1981, the Reagan Administration sent the first of 40 F-16 jet fighters to the Pakistanis. But the Soviets kept control of the Afghan skies until the mujahideen received Stinger missiles in 1986. From that moment on, the mujahideen's strategic position steadily improved.

The Soviets declared a policy of national reconciliation. In January they announced that a Soviet withdrawal was no longer linked to the makeup of the Afghan government remaining behind. Pakistan, with the massive extra-governmental and covert backing from the largest operation ever mounted by the CIA and financial support of Saudi Arabia, therefore, played a large part in the eventual withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1988.

The war legacy

The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American sponsors such as the CIA.^[82]

'Sharization' of Pakistan

Main article: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization

The "primary" policy,^[2]
or "centerpiece" of Zia's government was "Sharization" or "Islamization".^[83]

In 1977, prior to the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with nightclubs, and horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto in an effort to stem the tide of street Islamization.^[84][85]
Zia went much further, committing himself to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa ("Rule of the prophet" or Islamic System, i.e. establishing an Islamic state and sharia law^[85]), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantly secular law, inherited from the British.

In his first televised speech to the country as head of state Zia declared that

Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the country.^[86]

In the past he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."^[87][88]

Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each High Court (later the Federal Sharia Court)^[88][89] to judge legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna, and to bring Pakistan's legal statutes into alignment with Islamic doctrine.^[90]
Zia bolstered the influence of the ulama (Islamic clergy) and the Islamic parties.^[90]
10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to government posts to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his passing.^[83][85][90] Conservative ulama (Islamic scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic Ideology.^[89]

Islamisation was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale captured in the slogan, "Food, clothing, and shelter".^[2]
In Zia's view, socialist economics and a secular-socialist orientation served only to upset Pakistan's natural order and weaken its moral fibre.^[2] General Zia defended his policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens:

The basis of Pakistan was Islam. ... Muslims of the subcontinent are a separate culture. It was on the Two-Nation Theory that this part was carved out of the Subcontinent as Pakistan.... Mr. Bhutto's way of flourishing in this Society was by eroding its moral fiber. ... by pitching students against teachers, children against their parents, landlord against tenants, workers against mill owners. [Pakistan has economic difficulties] because Pakistanis have been made to believe that one can earn without working. ... We are going back to Islam not by choice but by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that is imposing Islam. It was what 99 percent of people wanted; the street violence against Bhutto reflected the people's desire ...

— General Zia-ul-Haq, ^{[2][page needed]}

How much of Zia's motivation came from piety and how much from political calculation is disputed.
One author points out that Zia was conspicuously silent on the dispute between the heterodox Zikri and the 'Ulama in Balochistan where he needed stability.^[91]
Secular and leftist forces accused Zia of manipulating Islam for political ends.^[88]
According to Nusrat Bhutto, former First Lady of Pakistan:

The ... horrors of 1971 war ... are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and the minds of people of [Pakistan]...Therefore, General Zia insanely ... used Islam ... to ensure the survival of his own regime....

— Nusrat Bhutto, ^[88]

How much success Zia had using state-sponsored Islamisation to strengthen national cohesion is also disputed. Religious riots broke out in 1983 and 1984.^[92] Sectarian divisions between Sunnis and Shia worsened over the issue of the 1979 Zakat ordinance, but differences in fiqh jurisprudence also arose in marriage and divorce, inheritance and wills and imposition of hadd punishments.^[93][94]

Among Sunni Muslims, Deobandis and Barelvis also had disputes.^[92] Zia favoured Deobandi doctrine and the Sufi pirs of Sindh (who were Barelvi) joined the anti-Zia Movement for the Restoration of Democracy.^[92]

Hudood Ordinance

Main article: Hudood Ordinance

In one of his first and most controversial measures to Islamize Pakistani society was the replacement of parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979 "Hudood Ordinance."^[95] (Hudood meaning limits or restrictions, as in limits of acceptable behaviour in Islamic law.) The Ordinance added new criminal offences of adultery and fornication to Pakistani law, and new punishments of whipping, amputation, and stoning to death.^[96]

For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment or fine, or both, were replaced by amputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation of the right hand and left foot for robbery.^[84]
For Zina (extramarital sex) the provisions relating to adultery were replaced by the Ordinance with punishments of flogged 100 lashes for those unmarried offenders, and stoning to death for married offenders.^[84]

All these punishments were dependent on proof required for hadd being met. In practice the Hudd requirement—four Muslim men of good repute testifying as witness to the crime—was seldom met. As of 2014, no one offenders have been stoned or had limbs amputated by the Pakistani judicial system. To be found guilty of theft, zina, or drinking alcohol by less strict tazir standards—where the punishment was flogging and/or imprisonment—was common, and there have been many floggings.

More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers and politicians was the incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges of zina.^[84] The onus of providing proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself.^[84] Uncorroborated testimony by women was inadmissible in hudood crimes.^[97] If the victim/accuser was unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court was considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse outside of lawful marriage.^[84] Despite this the ordinance remained in force until the Women's Protection Bill was passed in 2006.^[98]

Although the Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of evidence, and prosecution system remained Anglo-Saxon.^[84]

The hybridisation of Pakistan penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of the difference in the underlying logic of the two legal systems.^[84] PPC was kingly law, Haddood is a religious and community-based law.

Other sharia laws

Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented in public schools, colleges and state television. Women's participation in sports and the performing arts was severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's legal testimony was given half the weight of a man's, according to critics. Unlike men, women entering into legal contracts were required to have their signature witness by another person.^[97]

In 1980 the "Zakat and Ushr Ordinance, 1980" was implemented.^[99] The measure called for a 2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day of Ramadan, with Zia stating that the revenues would be used for poverty relief.^[100] Zakat committees were established to oversee distribution of the funds.^[90]

In 1981 interest payments were replaced by "profit and loss" accounts (though profit was thought to be simply interest by another name).^[100] Textbooks were overhauled to remove un-Islamic material, and un-Islamic books were removed from libraries.^[100]
Eating and drinking during Ramadan was outlawed, attempts were made to enforce praying of salat five times a day.^[90]

Blasphemy ordinances

To outlaw blasphemy, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) were amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986. The 1980 law prohibited derogatory remarks against Islamic personages, and carried a three-year prison sentence.^[101]
In 1982 the small Ahmadiyya religious minority were prohibited from saying or implying they were Muslims.
In 1986 declaring anything implying disrespect to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of Muhammad), Sahabah (companions of Muhammad) or Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols) was made a cognisable offence, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or both.^[102]

Madrassa Expansions

Traditional religious madrassass in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the first time, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's administration,^[103]
Their number grew from 893 to 2,801. Most were Deobandi in doctrinal orientation, while one quarter of them were Barelvi.^[104] They received funding from Zakat councils and provided free religious training, room and board to impoverished Pakistanis.^[105] The schools, which banned televisions and radios, have been criticised by authors for stoking sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-Muslims.^{[103][104][105]}

Cultural policies

Main article: New wave of rock music in Pakistan (1980-1989)

In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried the Western culture and music in the country. Soon afterwards, PTV, the national television network ceased playing music videos and only patriotic songs were broadcast.^[106] New taxes were levied on the film industry and most of the cinemas in Lahore were shut down.^[107] New tax rates were introduced, further decreasing cinema attendances.^[107]

It was under Zia and the economic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes expanded and Western 1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread in popularity, and rock music bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural critic Nadeem F. Paracha.^[108]

Welfare of the people with disabilities

During his tenure, he oversaw passing of an ordinance for the welfare of people with disabilities. The ordinance is called "The Disabled Persons (Employment and Rehabilitation) Ordinance, 1981" and it was passed into law on 29 December 1981. It provides the measures for the employment, rehabilitation and welfare of the people with disabilities.^[109]

Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988, rumours about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and Zia were rife.

It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and Junejo's insistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next government of Afghanistan before Soviet withdrawal. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleys before that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamization drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into the secular control of MQM from the clutches of Sunnis Jamaat-e-Islami.

Ojhri Camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia.

On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under article 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime Minister Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal.

Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political situation.

Death

Main article: Death and state funeral of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a US M1 Abrams tank demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the small town in the Punjab province by C-130B Hercules aircraft. The aircraft departed from Bahawalpur Airport and was expected to reach Islamabad International Airport.^[110] Shortly after a smooth takeoff, the control tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 31 others died in the plane crash, including chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, close associate of Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the American Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the US Military aid mission to Pakistan.^[111][112]Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate chairman announced Zia's death on radio and TV. Conditions surrounding his death have given rise to many conspiracy theories.^[113] There is speculation that the United States, India, the Soviet Union (in retaliation for Pakistani support of the mujahideen in Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's military were behind the incident.^[114][115]

A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft'. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday signal was given.^[116] There was also speculation into other facts involving the details of the investigation. A flight recorder (black box) was not located after the crash and previous C-130 aircraft did have them installed.^[117]

Maj. Gen. (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani, who was suspected by many circles within Pakistan and also by the then United States Ambassador to India, John Gunther Dean, for being extraordinarily insistent with President Zia to visit the demonstration, is considered to be the prime suspect in the incident.^[118] He claimed later that reports of Israeli and Indian involvement in Zia's plane-crash were only speculations and he rejected the statement that was given by former president Ghulam Ishaq Khan that the presidential plane was blown up in the air. Durrani stated that Zia's plane was destroyed while landing.^[119]

Lt. General Hameed Gul, the head of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence agency at the time, suggested that the United States might be responsible, even though the U.S. Ambassador and military attaché were also killed. He told The Times that the Pakistani President was killed in a conspiracy involving a "foreign power".^[120]

Legacy

Zia's Tomb

Funeral and aftermath

“	Well, he was a great loss...He is a martyr, and was a great man.	”
— George P. Shultz, 1988, [121]

Grave stone of Zia's grave

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 in Islamabad. As a 21-gun salute of light artillery resounded off the lush Margalla Hills, nearly 1 million mourners joined in chants of "Zia ul-Haq, you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above." His remains were laid to rest in a 4-by-10-foot dirt grave in front of the huge, modern Faisal Mosque that Zia had built as a symbol of Pakistani-Saudi friendship.^[122][123] Also in attendance was his successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan chiefs of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs, and other high military and civil officials. Former US Secretary of State George P. Shultz also laid a floral wreath at Zia's grave.^[121]

Public image

Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarizing and widely discussed figure in the country's intellectual and political circles.^[124] Out of the country's short history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and tamper-proof legacy, according to the editorial written in Dawn.^[124] Historians and political scientists widely discussed and studied his policy making skills, some authors noting him as "The Ringmaster",^[125] "Master of Illusion"^[126] and "Master Tactician".^[127] However, his most remembered and enduring legacy was his indirect involvement and military strategies, by proxy supporting the Mujahideen, against the USSR's war in Afghanistan.^[128] His reign also helped the conservatives to rise at the national politics against Benazir Bhutto.^[128] He is also noted as being one of Pakistan's most successful generals, placing the armed forces in charge of the country's affairs.^[129] During his regime, western styles in hair, clothing, and music flooded the country.^[108] The 1980s gave birth to Pakistani rock music, which expressed Pakistani nationalism in the country.^[108]

Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan

With the passing of Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, General Zia's name was permanently deleted from the Constitution of Pakistan.^[130][131]

Honours

• Knight of the Order of Chula Chom Klao (Thailand)

Portrayals in popular culture

Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:

• In the comic Shattered Visage, it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by the same intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner.


• Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War.


• Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satirical novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his death.^[132]
  


• Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame (1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (here known as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and "put to death".


• Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's takeover of Pakistan and circumstances of his death were referenced in the Star Trek novel The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume One. In a prelude to the fictional Eugenics Wars, it is implied that genetically engineered "superman" Khan Noonien Singh arranged the crash.^[133]
  


• The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was referenced in the book Songs of Blood and Sword, a non-fiction memoir by Murtaza Bhutto's daughter Fatima Bhutto.

See also

• 
  Pakistan portal
  


• 
  Biography portal
  


• 
  Politics portal
  


• 
  Islam portal
  

• Human Rights in Pakistan under General Zia-ul-Haq


• Politics of Pakistan


• Line of succession to the President of Pakistan


• List of Presidents of Pakistan


• Military dictatorship


• Oppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq


• Corporate capitalisation

References

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8. 
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62. 
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92. 
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96. 
    ^ Lau, Martin (1 September 2007). "Twenty-Five Years of Hudood Ordinances- A Review". Washington and Lee Law Review. 64 (4): 1292, 1296. Retrieved 18 November 2014.
    


97. 
    ^ ^ab Haqqani 2010, p. 144
    


98. 
    ^ "Rape of the Law". Newslinemagazine.com. 5 October 2003. Archived from the original on 9 October 2011. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
    


99. 
    ^ "Zakat Ordinance 1980" (PDF). cdcpakistan.com. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 April 2015. Retrieved 21 November 2014.
    


100. 
     ^ ^abc Jones, Owen Bennett (2002). Pakistan : eye of the storm. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 16–7.
     


101. 
     ^ "What are Pakistan's blasphemy laws?". bbc news. 6 November 2014. Retrieved 21 November 2014.
     


102. 
     ^ Jahangir, Asma. "Human Rights in Pakistan, a System in the Making.". In Samantha, Power. Realizing Human Rights: Moving from Inspiration to Impact. Palgrave MacMillan. p. 181. Retrieved 20 November 2014.
     


103. 
     ^ ^ab Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, edited by Zahid Hussain, Columbia University Press, 2006, p.81
     


104. 
     ^ ^ab Apocalyptic Realm: Jihadists in South Asia, By Dilip Hiro, Yale University Press, 2012, p.162
     


105. 
     ^ ^ab Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, edited by Zahid Hussain, Columbia University Press, 2006, p.78
     


106. 
     ^ Branigan, Tania (13 February 2004). "'My film is part of the peace process'". London: Guardian Unlimited. Retrieved 3 July 2008.
     


107. 
     ^ ^ab "Lollywood goes pop". On The Media. Archived from the original on 26 April 2011. Retrieved 3 July 2008.
     


108. 
     ^ ^abc Nadeem F. Paracha (28 March 2013). "Times of the Vital Sign". Dawn News, Nadeem F. Paracha. Archived from the original on 2 April 2013. Retrieved 3 April 2013. This was a time when the wily General Ziaul-Haq was reigning supreme ... Even though the country, at the time was covered by a ... façade of strict conservatism and ... moralistic pretence,... Ironically, it ... also propelled the gradual expansion of the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes. And it is the youth cultures that emerged from these classes that launched the first shots of the kind of pop culture, scene and music we now call modern Pakistani pop.
     


109. 
     ^ "THE DISABLED PERSONS (EMPLOYMENT AND REHABILITATION) ORDINANCE, 1981" (PDF). The Government of Punjab. 29 December 1981. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
     


110. 
     ^ Harro Ranter (17 August 1988). "ASN Aircraft accident Lockheed C-130B Hercules 23494 Bahawalpur Airport (BHV)". aviation-safety.net. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
     


111. 
     ^ Foreign affairs Pakistan by Pakistan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (MOFA, 1988)
     


112. 
     ^ "Plea in court to revive C-130 crash case" Business Recorder, 22 April 1996 Archived 30 May 2005 at the Wayback Machine
     


113. 
     ^ "Editorial: Another clue into General Zia's death". Daily Times. Lahore. 4 December 2005. Archived from the original on 6 June 2011. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
     


114. 
     ^ Bone, James; Hussain, Zahid (16 August 2008). "As Pakistan comes full circle, a light is shone on Zia ul-Haq's death". The Times. London. p. 40. Retrieved 13 November 2011. (Subscription required (help)).
     (subscription required)
     


115. 
     ^ Hamilton, Dwight; Rimsa, Kostas (2007). Terror Threat: International and Homegrown terrorists and their threat to Canada. Dundurn. p. 83. ISBN 9781550027365. Retrieved 3 July 2015 – via books.google.com.au.
     


116. 
     ^ The History and Culture of Pakistan by Nigel Kelly.
     ISBN 1-901458-67-9
     


117. 
     ^ "Engines Probed in Air Crash". Deseret News. AP. 16 April 1982. Retrieved 6 September 2018.
     


118. 
     ^ John Gunther Dean."Archived copy". Archived from the original on 1 June 2009. Retrieved 10 January 2009.CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link) Oral history at jimmycarterlibrary
     


119. 
     ^ Durrani, Mahmud Ali (14 September 2009). "Pakistan started war with India in 1965". Daily Times. Archived from the original on 6 February 2012. Retrieved 3 November 2011.
     


120. 
     ^ Ghosh, Palash. "Politics Who Killed General Zia Of Pakistan? Perhaps The Israelis, The US, Moscow; He Implemented Sharia Law And His Murder Remains Unsolved 25 Years Later". International Business Times. IBT Media Inc. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
     


121. 
     ^ ^ab Fineman, Mark (21 August 1988). "Million Mourn at Funeral for Pakistan's Zia". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
     


122. 
     ^ There is also still a lot of controversy on who or what actually lies buried in Zia's supposed grave. Some people claim only his jawbone was found and identified, and is buried there; whilst others claim that bits and pieces of a number of the aircrash victims were put in together. See SAH Rizvi in his article in 'The Pakistan Observer' Islamabad, 27 August 1988
     


123. 
     ^ The Faisal Mosque is named after the late Saudi Arabian king Faisal, and was partially constructed with Saudi funds
     


124. 
     ^ ^ab Nasir, Abbas (7 July 2012). "Zia's Long Shadow". Dawn Newspapers. Dawn Newspapers. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
     


125. 
     ^ Hyman, Ghayur & Kaushik 1989, p. 35
     


126. 
     ^ Rehman, I A (September 1988). "Ziaul Haq: Master of illusion". Islamabad: Dawn Newspapers, Rehman. Dawn Newspapers. Retrieved 18 August 2016.
     


127. 
     ^ Shah, Mehtab Ali (1997). The foreign policy of Pakistan: ethnic impacts on diplomacy, 1971–1994. London [u.a.]: Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-169-5.
     


128. 
     ^ ^ab "Election Commission of Pakistan on Zia-ul-Haq". Election Commission of Pakistan on Zia-ul-Haq. Archived from the original on 16 March 2013. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
     


129. 
     ^ Kapur, Ashok (1991). "Zia ul Haq's legacy". Pakistan in crisis (1. ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 146–190. ISBN 978-0-415-00062-8. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
     


130. 
     ^ "18th Amendment Bill, Pakistan". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 6 April 2016. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
     


131. 
     ^ "GeoTV Geo News Latest News Breaking News Pakistan Live Videos". geo.tv. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
     


132. 
     ^ Mohammed Hanif (May 2008). A Case of Exploding Mangoes. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-307-26807-5.
     


133. 
     ^ Greg Cox (July 2001). The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume One. Pocket Books. ISBN 978-0-671-02127-6.
     

Bibliography

.mw-parser-output .refbegin{font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em}.mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul{list-style-type:none;margin-left:0}.mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul>li,.mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>dl>dd{margin-left:0;padding-left:3.2em;text-indent:-3.2em;list-style:none}.mw-parser-output .refbegin-100{font-size:100%}

• 
  Haqqani, Husain (2010), Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, Carnegie Endowment, ISBN 978-0-87003-285-1
  


• 
  Hyman, Anthony; Ghayur, Muhammed; Kaushik, Naresh (1989), Pakistan, Zia and After--, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, ISBN 978-81-7017-253-6
  


• 
  Zaeef, Abdul Salam (2011), My Life with the Taliban, Hurst, ISBN 978-1-84-904152-2
  

Further reading

Books about Haq's time period

• 
  Ali, Tariq (2007). The Leopard and the Fox: A Pakistani Tragedy. Seagull Books. ISBN 978-1-905422-29-6.
  


• 
  Arif, Khalid Mahmud (1995). Working with Zia: Pakistan's Power Politics 1977–1988. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-577570-8.
  


• 
  Arif, Khalid Mahmud (2001). Khaki Shadows: Pakistan 1947–1997. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-579396-X.
  


• 
  Bhutto, Fatima (2000). Songs of Blood and Sword. Dhaka: University Press Ltd. ISBN 978-0-670-08280-3.
  


• 
  Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan and Bin Laden. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-1-59420-007-6.
  


• 
  Crile, George (2002). Charlie Wilson's War: The Extraordinary Story of How the Wildest Man in Congress and a Rogue CIA Agent Changed the History of Our Times. Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN 978-0-87113-854-5.
  


• 
  Duncan, Emma (1989). Breaking the Curfew: A Political Journey through Pakistan. Michael Joseph. ISBN 978-0-7181-2989-7.
  


• 
  Hussain, Mushahid (1990). Pakistan's Politics: The Zia Years. Lahore: Progressive Publishers. OCLC 22854226.
  


• 
  Hussain, Syed (2000). Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia: How They Fell Victim to Their Own Plans. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. ISBN 9789693510805.
  


• 
  Lamb, Christina (1992). Waiting for Allah: Pakistan's Struggle for Democracy. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-014334-8.
  


• 
  Mazari, Sherbaz (1999). A Journey to Disillusionment. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-579769-5.
  


• 
  Sardar, Ziauddin (2004). Desperately Seeking Paradise: Journeys of a Sceptical Muslim. London: Granta Books. ISBN 978-1-86207-650-1.
  


• 
  Waseem, Mohammad (1987). Pakistan Under Martial Law, 1977-1985. Vanguard Books. ISBN 9789694023670.
  


• 
  Yousaf, Mohammad; Adkin, Mark (1992). The Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story. London: L. Cooper. ISBN 0-85052-267-6.
  

External links

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

• Biography video 'Shaheed e Islam


• Annotated Bibliography for Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues


• 
  "Who Killed Zia?" by Edward Jay Epstein for Vanity Fair, September 1989


• Official profile at Pakistan Army website


• The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan


• General Zia-ul-Haq's plane crash due to mechanical problem (Times of London)


• 
  Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq President of Pakistan on Encyclopedia Britannica
  

Military offices
Preceded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto	Colonel Commandant of Army Armoured Corps 1974–1978	Succeeded by Ali Jan Mehsud
Preceded by Tikka Khan	Chief of Army Staff 1976–1988	Succeeded by Mirza Aslam Beg
Political offices
Preceded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto	Minister of Defence 1978	Succeeded by Ali Ahmed Khan Talpur
Preceded by Ali Ahmed Khan Talpur	Minister of Defence 1985	Succeeded by Muhammad Khan Junejo
Preceded by Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry	President of Pakistan 1978–1988	Succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq Khan

v t e Regime of General Zia-ul-Haq
Domestic initiatives	Conservatism in Pakistan: Doctrine of necessity Provisional Constitutional Order Ascent by coup 1980 counter-coup attempt Islamization 1984 Referendum Islamic economics in Pakistan Women's rights Pakistan Penal Code Mass media industry Oppression Trial of elected Prime minister 1980s economic boom General Rahimuddin's Balochistan Governorship Corporatization 8th Amendment Consolidation of nuclear development Council of Islamic Ideology Anti-communism policies Saqi trial 1985 non-partisan elections Ojhri Cantonment disaster Assassination of General Zia 1988 parliamentary elections Black projects initiation Introduction of rock music industry Pakistan film industry Efforts against communist terrorism 1981 PIA hijacking Airports Security Force Anti-Narcotics Force Federal Investigation Agency DGII Elite Police
Administration	Gang of Four (Pakistan): General Zia-ul-Haq Muhammad Khan Juneijo Ghulam Ishaq Khan General Mirza Aslam Baig General Akhtar Abdur Rahman General Hamid Gul Sahabzada Yaqub Khan Admiral Mohammad Shariff General Khalid Mahmud Arif General Ghulam Jilani Khan Sharifuddin Pirzada Agha Shahi Nawaz Sharif Roedad Khan Dr. Mahbub-ul-Haq Aftab Ghulam Nabi Kazi General Anwar Shamim Admiral Tarik Kamal Khan Admiral Iftikhar Ahmad Sirohey Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad General Rahimuddin Khan General Zahid Ali Akbar General Fazle Haq Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi
National parties	Allies Pakistan Muslim League (Pakistan Muslim League (N)) Jamaat-e-Islami Mohajir Qaumi Movement Opposition Pakistan Peoples Party Communist Party of Pakistan Movement for Restoration of Democracy Al-Zulfiqar Awami National Party Mazdoor Kisan Party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F) Platform successors Pakistan Muslim League (N) A F J N Q Z Islamic Democracy Alliance (now defunct)
Foreign front	Involvement in events Refusal to sign Non-Proliferation Treaty USSR's war in Afghanistan Subsidization of Mujahideen Operation Cyclone Divergence with Libya Siachen war Operation Tupac Indian allegations of aiding Khalistan movement Operation Samba Operation Brasstacks Co-founding SAARC Support for Iran during Iran–Iraq War Geneva Accords signing Theories of external involvement in Zia crash Opposition Pakistan Peoples Party Communist Party of Pakistan Al-Zulfiqar Movement for the Restoration of Democracy Aligned entities United States Carter administration Reagan Administration Central Intelligence Agency United Kingdom Thatcher government Saudi Arabia People's Republic of China Afghan mujahideen Iran Opposed entities Soviet Union KGB East Germany Stasi Afghanistan KHAD India Desai administration Indira Gandhi administration Rajiv Gandhi administration
Category Portal:Pakistan Government Military

v t e Martial Law Administrators of Pakistan
Chief Martial Law Administrators	Gen Ayub Khan Gen Yahya Khan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Gen Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Gen Pervez Musharraf (unstyled)
Punjab	LGen Attiqur Rahman LGen Ghulam Jilani Khan
Balochistan	LGen Rahimuddin Khan LGen F.S. Khan Lodhi LGen K.K. Afridi LGen Abdul Qadir Baloch
Sindh	LGen Rakhman Gul LGen S.M. Abbasi
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa	LGen Khwaja Mohammad Azhar Khan LGen Fazle Haq LGen Jahan Dad Khan
East Pakistan (former)	LGen Azam Khan MGen Muzaffaruddin VAdm Syed Ahsan LGen Yacob Khan LGen Tikka Khan LGen A.A. Khan Nazi
West Pakistan (former)	LGen Attiqur Rahman LGen Tikka Khan Air Mshl Nur Khan

v t e Presidents of Pakistan (List)
	Mirza Ayub Khan Yahya Khan Bhutto Ilahi Zia-ul-Haq Ghulam Ishaq Khan Sajjad Leghari Sajjad Tarar Musharraf Soomro Zardari Mamnoon Alvi
Italics indicate acting Presidents

v t e Cold War
USA USSR ANZUS NATO Non-Aligned Movement SEATO Warsaw Pact Cold War II
1940s	Morgenthau Plan Hukbalahap Rebellion Jamaican conflict Dekemvriana Percentages agreement Yalta Conference Guerrilla war in the Baltic states Forest Brothers Operation Priboi Operation Jungle Occupation of the Baltic states Cursed soldiers Operation Unthinkable Operation Downfall Potsdam Conference Gouzenko Affair Division of Korea Operation Masterdom Operation Beleaguer Operation Blacklist Forty Iran crisis of 1946 Greek Civil War Baruch Plan Corfu Channel incident Turkish Straits crisis Restatement of Policy on Germany First Indochina War Truman Doctrine Asian Relations Conference May 1947 Crises Marshall Plan Comecon 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état Al-Wathbah uprising 1947–1949 Palestine war 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine 1948 Arab–Israeli War 1948 Palestinian exodus Tito–Stalin Split Berlin Blockade Western betrayal Iron Curtain Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Chinese Civil War (Second round) Malayan Emergency Albanian Subversion
1950s	Papua conflict Bamboo Curtain Korean War McCarthyism Algerian War Egyptian Revolution of 1952 1953 Iranian coup d'état Uprising of 1953 in East Germany Bricker Amendment 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Partition of Vietnam Jebel Akhdar War Vietnam War First Taiwan Strait Crisis Cyprus crisis (1955–64) Geneva Summit (1955) Bandung Conference Poznań 1956 protests Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Yemeni–Adenese clan violence Suez Crisis "We will bury you" Ifni War Operation Gladio Arab Cold War Syrian Crisis of 1957 1958 Lebanon crisis Iraqi 14 July Revolution Sputnik crisis Second Taiwan Strait Crisis 1959 Tibetan uprising 1959 Mosul uprising Cuban Revolution Kitchen Debate Sino-Soviet split
1960s	Congo Crisis Simba rebellion 1960 U-2 incident Bay of Pigs Invasion 1960 Turkish coup d'état Soviet–Albanian split Iraqi–Kurdish conflict First Iraqi–Kurdish War Berlin Crisis of 1961 Berlin Wall Dirty War (Mexico) Portuguese Colonial War Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence Cuban Missile Crisis El Porteñazo Sino-Indian War Communist insurgency in Sarawak Iraqi Ramadan Revolution Eritrean War of Independence Sand War North Yemen Civil War Aden Emergency 1963 Syrian coup d'état Assassination of John F. Kennedy Vietnam War Shifta War Guatemalan Civil War Colombian conflict 1964 Brazilian coup d'état Dominican Civil War Rhodesian Bush War South African Border War Transition to the New Order (Indonesia) Domino theory ASEAN Declaration Laotian Civil War 1966 Syrian coup d'état Argentine Revolution Korean DMZ Conflict Greek military junta of 1967–74 Years of Lead (Italy) USS Pueblo incident Six-Day War War of Attrition Dhofar Rebellion Al-Wadiah War Biafran War Protests of 1968 French May Tlatelolco massacre Cultural Revolution Prague Spring 1968 Polish political crisis Communist insurgency in Malaysia Invasion of Czechoslovakia Iraqi Ba'athist Revolution 1969 Libyan coup d'état Goulash Communism Sino-Soviet border conflict CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion Corrective Move
1970s	Détente Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Black September in Jordan Corrective Movement (Syria) Western Sahara conflict Nicaraguan Revolution Cambodian Civil War Vietnam War Koza riot Realpolitik Ping-pong diplomacy Uganda–Tanzania War 1971 Turkish military memorandum Corrective Revolution (Egypt) Four Power Agreement on Berlin Bangladesh Liberation War 1972 Nixon visit to China North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972 Yemenite War of 1972 Communist insurgency in Bangladesh Eritrean Civil Wars 1973 Uruguayan coup d'état 1973 Chilean coup d'état Yom Kippur War 1973 oil crisis Carnation Revolution Spanish transition Metapolitefsi Strategic Arms Limitation Talks Second Iraqi–Kurdish War Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War Oromo conflict Ogaden War Western Sahara War Ethiopian Civil War Lebanese Civil War Sino-Albanian split Cambodian–Vietnamese War Operation Condor Dirty War (Argentina) 1976 Argentine coup d'état Libyan–Egyptian War German Autumn Korean Air Lines Flight 902 NDF Rebellion Chadian–Libyan conflict Yemenite War of 1979 Grand Mosque seizure Iranian Revolution Saur Revolution Sino-Vietnamese War New Jewel Movement 1979 Herat uprising Seven Days to the River Rhine Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union
1980s	Soviet–Afghan War 1980 and 1984 Summer Olympics boycotts Peruvian conflict 1980 Turkish coup d'état Gulf of Sidra incident Casamance conflict Ugandan Bush War Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Eritrean Civil Wars 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War Ndogboyosoi War United States invasion of Grenada Able Archer 83 Star Wars Iran–Iraq War Somali Rebellion 1986 Black Sea incident South Yemen Civil War Toyota War 1988 Black Sea bumping incident Bougainville Civil War 8888 Uprising Solidarity Soviet reaction Contras Central American crisis RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 People Power Revolution Glasnost Perestroika Nagorno-Karabakh War Afghan Civil War United States invasion of Panama 1988 Polish strikes Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 Revolutions of 1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall Velvet Revolution Romanian Revolution Peaceful Revolution Die Wende
1990s	Mongolian Revolution of 1990 Gulf War German reunification Yemeni unification Fall of communism in Albania Breakup of Yugoslavia Dissolution of Czechoslovakia Dissolution of the Soviet Union
Frozen conflicts	Abkhazia China-Taiwan Korea Puerto Rico Kosovo Nagorno-Karabakh South Ossetia Transnistria Sino-Indian border dispute North Borneo dispute
Foreign policy	Truman Doctrine Containment Eisenhower Doctrine Domino theory Hallstein Doctrine Kennedy Doctrine Peaceful coexistence Ostpolitik Johnson Doctrine Brezhnev Doctrine Nixon Doctrine Ulbricht Doctrine Carter Doctrine Reagan Doctrine Rollback Sovereignty of Puerto Rico during the Cold War
Ideologies	Capitalism Liberalism Chicago school Keynesianism Monetarism Neoclassical economics Reaganomics Supply-side economics Thatcherism Communism Socialism Marxism–Leninism Castroism Eurocommunism Guevarism Hoxhaism Juche Maoism Trotskyism Naxalism Stalinism Titoism Other Imperialism Anti-imperialism Nationalism Ethnic nationalism Zionism Fascism Neo-Nazism Islamism Totalitarianism Authoritarianism Autocracy Liberal democracy Illiberal democracy Guided democracy Social democracy Third-Worldism White supremacy White nationalism White separatism Apartheid
Organizations	NATO Warsaw Pact ASEAN CIA Comecon EEC KGB MI6 Non-Aligned Movement SAARC Safari Club Stasi
Propaganda	Active measures Crusade for Freedom Izvestia Pravda Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Red Scare TASS Voice of America Voice of Russia
Races	Arms race Nuclear arms race Space Race
See also	Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War List of Eastern Bloc agents in the United States Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union–United States relations USSR–USA summits Russian espionage in the United States American espionage in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation Russia–NATO relations Brinkmanship CIA and the Cultural Cold War Cold War II Russian Revolution War on terror
Category Commons Portal Timeline List of conflicts

v t e Pakistan Armed Forces
Pakistan Army    Pakistan Navy    Pakistan Air Force    Pakistan Marines    Paramilitary Forces
Leadership	Commander-in-Chief President of Pakistan Chief Executive Prime Minister of Pakistan Minister of Defence Secretary of Defense Minister for Defence Production Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chief of Army Staff Chief of Air Staff Chief of Naval Staff Chief of Staff of Marines Parliament of Pakistan Senate Committee on Defense
Army	See Template:Pakistan Army
Air Force	Air Force Museum Air Headquarters Aircraft Hospitals Squadrons and commands Air Force Strategic Command Air Intelligence Special Service Wing Air Squadrons Serving Air Marshals
Navy	Hospitals PNS Darmaan Jah PNS Rahat PNS Shifa Naval Museum Naval Headquarters Branches Maritime Security Agency Marines Naval Aviation Naval Intelligence Naval Crime Investigation Branch Naval Strategic Forces Command 1st Marines Battalion Special Services Group Navy Pakistan Naval Air Defense Pakistan Navy Police Commands Navy Hydrographic Command Northern Naval Command Punjab Marines Command Western Naval Command Vessels Serving Admirals
Education and training	Army See Template:Pakistan Army Navy Naval Academy Naval Engineering College Naval Education Command Naval School of Logistics and Management Naval War College PNS Karsaz PNS Himalaya Air Force Air Force Academy Air War College College of Aeronautical Engineering College of Flying Training Combat Commanders School Air Force Schools and Colleges System
Military history	Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts 1947 1965 1971 1999 1967 Israeli-Arab war Bangladesh Liberation War 1973 Israeli-Arab war Jordan-Palestine Liberation Organization conflict Baloch insurgency in 1970s Grand Mosque in Saudi Arabia seizure Soviet war in Afghanistan Siachen conflict First Gulf War War in North-West Pakistan Piracy off the coast of Somalia Yemeni crisis Piracy off the coast of Venezuela Foreign deployments of the Pakistan Armed Forces Involvement in UN peacekeeping missions Martial law
Personnel and equipment	Ranks Army ranks and insignia Naval ranks and insignia Air Force ranks and insignia Bases Navy Ahsan Naval Base Akram Naval Base Hameed Naval Base Iqbal Naval Base Jinnah Naval Base Kalmat Naval Base Karachi Naval Dockyard Mehran Naval Base Qasim Naval Base Air Force Air Force Bases Related Awards and decorations Defence Housing Authority Defence industry of Pakistan Air Weapons Complex Defence Science and Technology Organisation Heavy Industries Taxila Institute of Optronics Integrated Dynamics Karachi Shipyard and Engineering Works Khan Research Laboratories National Development Complex National Engineering and Scientific Commission Pakistan Aeronautical Complex Pakistan Ordnance Factories Wah Metallurgical Laboratory Khyber Border Coordination Center Women in the Pakistan Armed Forces
Categories (Army • Air Force • Navy) Portal

v t e Islamism in South Asia
Ideology	Ahl-i Hadith Barelvi Deobandi Islamism Pan-Islamism Wahhabism
Organisations	Afghanistan Taliban Bangladesh Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir Islami Jatiya Oikya Front Islami Oikya Jote Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh Islamic Front Bangladesh Bangladesh Islamic Front India Darul Uloom Deoband Darul Uloom Ahmadiyya Salafia Ahl-e-Hadith Girls Islamic Organisation of India Jamaat-e-Islami Hind Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind National Development Front Popular Front of India Students Islamic Movement of India Students Islamic Organisation of India Pakistan Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal Tanzeem-e-Islami Tehrik-e-Jafaria Others Ahlehadeeth Movement Bangladesh Hizb ut-Tahrir Jamaat-e-Islami Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir Jamaat ul-Fuqra Khaksars All India Khilafat Committee Muslim National Guard Tablighi Jamaat
Leaders	Ahmad Sirhindi Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani Qazi Syed Rafi Mohammad Syed Hayatullah Qazi Mir Imdad Ali Muhammad Qasim Nanotvi Mian Tufail Mohammad Ashraf Ali Thanwi Anwar Shah Kashmiri Mahmud al-Hasan Ubaidullah Sindhi Mohammad Ali Jouhar Shaukat Ali Muhammad Iqbal Allama Mashriqi Abul A'la Maududi Shah Ahmad Noorani Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Fazl-ur-Rehman Ghulam Azam Muhammad Ilyas Qadri Motiur Rahman Nizami Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Hussain Najafi Grand Ayatollah Bashir Hussain Najafi Muhammad Taqi Usmani Muhammad Asadullah Al-Ghalib Safdar Nagori Jalaluddin Umri Israr Ahmed Javed Ahmad Ghamidi Qazi Hussain Ahmad Arif Hussain Hussaini Delwar Hossain Sayeedi Yusuf Islahi Syed Nazeer Husain Khalid Mehmood Soomro Siddiq Hasan Khan Ehsan Elahi Zaheer Sanaullah Amritsari Abul Kalam Azad Azizul Haque Fazlul Haque Amini Nurul Islam Farooqi
Events	Direct Action Day Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization Hudood Ordinances Shah Bano case Pakistani Islamisation programme referendum, 1984 Babri Masjid Hasba bill Noakhali riots
Part of Islamism Militant Islamism in South Asia

Authority control	BIBSYS: 90198696 BNF: cb12037763k (data) GND: 118845101 ISNI: 0000 0003 5600 0184 LCCN: n78094546 SUDOC: 028567684 VIAF: 176698798 WorldCat Identities (via VIAF): 176698798

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