Imee Marcos




























































Imee Marcos

Imee Marcos COC 2019 elections filing (cropped).jpg
Marcos in 2018

Governor of Ilocos Norte
Incumbent

Assumed office
June 30, 2010
Preceded by Michael Marcos Keon
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives
from Ilocos Norte's 2nd District

In office
June 30, 1998 – June 30, 2007
Preceded by Simeon Valdez
Succeeded by Bongbong Marcos

Personal details
Born
María Imelda Josefa Romualdez Marcos


(1955-11-12) November 12, 1955 (age 63)
Mandaluyong, Philippines
Political party
Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (1980–2009)
Nacionalista Party (2009–present)
PDP-Laban (2017–present)
Spouse(s)
Tommy Manotoc (separated)
Domestic partner Mark Chua
Children • Ferdinand Martin
• Ferdinand Michael
• Matthew Joseph
Mother Imelda Marcos
Father Ferdinand Marcos
Education University of the Philippines, Diliman

María Imelda Josefa Romualdez Marcos (born November 12, 1955) informally known as Imee Marcos is a Filipino politician best known for being the daughter of the late dictator and former President of the Philippines Ferdinand E. Marcos and former First Lady Imelda R. Marcos,[1][2] for her role in the torture and murder of Archimedes Trajano,[3] and for her involvement in the 2017 Tobacco Excise Tax funds scandal.[4]


Her conviction in the 1993 Trajano v. Marcos case (978 F 2d 493) before the U.S. district court in Honolulu, Hawaii is noted in U.S. legal circles for exposing the weaknesses of the act of state doctrine, allowing for similar suits to be filed.[3][5][6]


She served three terms as Representative of the 2nd District of Ilocos Norte in the Philippine House of Representatives from 1998 until 2007 and is the current governor of Ilocos Norte. She has also filed her candidacy for a senatorial position in the 2019 Philippine general elections.[7]




Contents






  • 1 Early life and education


    • 1.1 Education


      • 1.1.1 Primary and Secondary Education


      • 1.1.2 Courses in Princeton


        • 1.1.2.1 Princeton Student protests against Imee's enrollment


        • 1.1.2.2 Tuition, estates, and allowances at Princeton


        • 1.1.2.3 Princeton Graduation Claims




      • 1.1.3 Courses at the UP College of Law




    • 1.2 Declaration of Martial Law




  • 2 Career under the Marcos administration


    • 2.1 Administrative and political roles under the Marcos administration


      • 2.1.1 Kabataang Barangay


      • 2.1.2 Assemblyman for Ilocos Norte to the Batasang Pambansa


      • 2.1.3 National Media Production Center and Experimental Cinema of the Philippines


      • 2.1.4 Unexplained Marcos wealth




    • 2.2 Other roles before the 1986 revolution


      • 2.2.1 Other media work


      • 2.2.2 Legal work




    • 2.3 Torture and murder of Archimedes Trajano




  • 3 1986 ouster, and life in exile


  • 4 Post-exile career


    • 4.1 Return to politics


    • 4.2 Establishment of the Marcos political dynasty


    • 4.3 Renegade and establishment of CREAM


    • 4.4 Unexplained wealth


    • 4.5 Misuse of tobacco funds


    • 4.6 As beneficiaries of illegal Swiss foundations




  • 5 Party affiliation


  • 6 Martial Law revisionism


    • 6.1 "Move on" from torture, corruption and murder comment


    • 6.2 Family denial




  • 7 Personal life


  • 8 References


  • 9 Further reading


  • 10 External links





Early life and education


Marcos was born on November 12, 1955, in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila, as the eldest child of former president and dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and former first lady Imelda Marcos, both of whom exercised autocratic rule over the Philippines from December 1965 to February 1986.[8] She has three other siblings: Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr., a former Senator of the Philippines (2010–16); Irene Marcos-Araneta,[9] a socialite; and Aimee Marcos, who was adopted and works as an entrepreneur and musician.[10]


Marcos grew up as a young child in the Malacañan Palace, the official residence of the president. She turned ten years old the day after her father was elected in 1965. In an interview with Filipinas Magazine in 1999, she admitted that she was uncomfortable living in the palace because it was too confining, very formal, and fixed. She also added that it is "not necessarily the most appropriate place to bring up a kid but it was quite nice".[11]


While living at the palace, Marcos attended regular schools in Manila, but had to discontinue as the First Family found it difficult to go out because of protest rallies outside Malacañang.[12] She found this a most boring thing that happened, to learn without classmates.[12]



Education



Primary and Secondary Education


Marcos went to the Institucion Teresiana (now Saint Pedro Poveda College) from Kindergarten to Grade IV. She earned First Honors. She attended Assumption Convent at Herran Street in Manila for Grade V to First Year High School where she also earned First Honors. Then, she went to the American School (now International School Manila) in Makati.[8]



Courses in Princeton


In 1973, Imee Marcos enrolled in Princeton University, where she took a variety of courses in Religion and Politics, but never stated a major.[13] She withdrew from Princeton in 1976, returned in 1977, and then withdrew for the last time in 1979.[14][15] She did not receive a degree from Princeton.[13][14][15]



Princeton Student protests against Imee's enrollment

Marcos' stay at Princeton was marred with controversy with black and Asian students protesting her admission for allowing the daughter of a dictator to study at the university and as a potential threat to students who opposed the Marcos regime.[13]



Tuition, estates, and allowances at Princeton

In the book "Some Are Smarter Than Others," author Ricardo Manapat reveals that after the EDSA revolution, investigators of the Presidential Commission on Good Government found out that Imee Marcos' tuition, USD 10,000 monthly allowance, and the 18th century estate Imee Marcos stayed in while studying at Princeton was paid for using taxpayer money that could be traced partly to the intelligence funds of the office of the president, and partly to some of the 15 bank accounts that the Marcoses had secretly opened in the US under assumed names.[2]



Princeton Graduation Claims

Imee Marcos' time as a student at princeton became a public issue once again in 2018, when she filed her candidacy for the Philippine Senate in the 2019 Philippine Midterm elections.[14]


On her campaign website, she uploaded an official biography that claimed that she was “one of the first female graduates from an Ivy League School—Princeton University, graduating with honors,”[16] but this claim was quickly disproven by news reports and on social media.[14][15]


In a later interview with news anchor Tina Marasigan on DZMM TeleRadyo, she was asked whether she really graduated from Princeton or not, and whether her status as a Princeton Graduate could be proven. She answered:[17]


.mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}

Yes, correct: it really is the season -- it's election season even though it hasn't been declared by COMELEC. This was also done to Bongbong and to others we know. My record speaks for itself. I think, performance-wise, we can see that we know what we are doing and we were able to help many. Most of all, we have many solutions that can help the multitude. I believe that this is the first generation in which we can really end hunger and poverty. The science is already there for agriculture, the medicine is also there so that no one will die from infections and other diseases. So we really have no excuse. There is also big data and technology so we can monitor each and every poor person in the Philippines. Let us end poverty in this decade.[18]


DZMM TeleRadyo's parent network, ABS-CBN News, noted that the video went viral as Marcos opted not to answer the question.
[19]


News agency Interaksyon noted that Marcos had "avoided answering the question and instead diverted the topic to the scholastic records of her brother Bongbong Marcos." [20]



Courses at the UP College of Law


She later studied at the University of the Philippines College of Law.[14] According to University of the Philippines Cebu history professor Madrileña de la Cerna, her admission to the UP College of Law was questionable because she did not have an undergraduate degree as she did not finish at Princeton. She did not graduate from the UP College of Law either because she lacked 35 units.[21]



Declaration of Martial Law


She and her siblings ("Bongbong" and Irene) were already studying overseas before Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, 1972. The siblings stayed there until they ended their studies, but would come home for Christmas and summer holidays.[12]



Career under the Marcos administration



Administrative and political roles under the Marcos administration



Kabataang Barangay


After returning from Princeton, Marcos entered the world of politics as chairperson of the Kabataang Barangay—the youth organization that would eventually be replaced by the Sangguniang Kabataan—in 1977.[12] She was founding chair of the Kabataang Barangay Foundation from 1975 to 1986.[22]



Assemblyman for Ilocos Norte to the Batasang Pambansa


On June 30, 1984, she won a seat as one of two assemblyman to the Batasang Pambansa for Ilocos Norte (the other assemblyman was Antonio V. Raquiza). She formally held this role until the Batasang Pambansa was dissolved in the aftermath of the 1986 EDSA Revolution.[22]



National Media Production Center and Experimental Cinema of the Philippines


From 1979 to 1986, she was consultant to the minister of the National Media Production Center in Quezon City. From 1981 to 1986, she was director general of the Experimental Cinema of the Philippines (ECP).[23] She served as co-producer of the films The Boatman, Brutal, and Scorpio Nights, but was not listed as producer or co-producer of other ECP films.[24]


In a 2002 interview with Philippine cinema academician Joel David, Marcos confirmed that she had "half-jokingly" named the “Experimental Cinema of the Philippines” as a reference to Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia, the institution founded during the dictatorship of Benito Mussolini - a reference to a cinema institution put up under a prior dictatorship which Professor David surmised to also be a tease aimed at Imee's parents.[25]


As the mid-1980s approached, the collapse of the Philippine economy forced government to reduce the budget of the ECP, and to raise funds, it began screening what critics deemed skin flicks, which were called "Bomba" or "Bold" films in the local slang.[26] At around this time, Imee Marcos promoted Johnny Litton, who had been deputy director general to chief executive officer of the ECP under her, and Litton's decision to screen extremely explicit films such as Scorpio Nights (Regal Films), Company Of Women (Athena Productions, Inc.) and Hubo (lit. "Naked" FLT Films International) were scored by industry critics. By 1985 ECP was producing "about twenty sexually exlplicit quickies" which they hoped to screen at the three screening rooms of the National Film Center. The films were assured of a neat profit despite the few screening venues.[26]



Unexplained Marcos wealth


The Marcoses got a lot of criticism during the last part of Ferdinand Marcos' reign because of their conspicuous spending,[2][27] which was far beyond their legal means, as expressed in the Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos' legally-required Statements of Assets Liabilities and Net Worth (SALN).[28][29]


Some of the specific things Imee Marcos enjoyed were her own "Marcos Mansions" in Baguio and in the Metro Manila area,[2] and her own purchases of Marcos jewels just like her mother.[2][28]


In one instance recounted by British journalist Caroline Kennedy, Imee Marcos effectively used Philippine Airlines flights as a courrier for breastmilk when she was travelling in Europe but had left her child in the Philippines. According to Kennedy, Imee had explained that she "expressed her milk every day and then Daddy sent a Philippine Airlines plane to wherever she was and it would bring the milk back."[2][28] Kennedy noted that this coincided with a time when many Europe-based Philippine expats complained of a lot of flight delays and cancellations.[28]


All this was aside from the uber-VIP treatment that the Marcoses regularly received. For example, when Imee Marcos enrolled in the University of the Philippines, the university broke its own policy of not having airconditioned classrooms, and made sure the lecture halls Imee had classes in were equipped with AC.[27]



Other roles before the 1986 revolution



Other media work


From 1975 to 1986, Marcos produced the television shows Kulit Bulilit and Kaluskos Musmos.[22] She was also a consultant/writer of the Children's Television Workshop for Asia and New York (1977–1979).[22]


Marcos was columnist of Manila Bulletin in Manila, publisher of the Filipino Film Review, publisher and editor of the Kabataang Barangay Foundation, Makati, Metro Manila, and special consultant to the chairperson of the board of BBC-2, RPN 9, and IBC 13.[23] She was also the producer of Metro Magazine (1975–1986).[22]



Legal work


Marcos also worked as counsel at the Center for Legal Aid at the U.P. College of Law, and consultant for corporate taxation for different real estate corporations, such as Independent Realty Corp., Anchor Corp., and Prime Holdings.



Torture and murder of Archimedes Trajano


The torture and killing of Archimedes Trajano was attributed to Imee Marcos, then the National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay. "On August 31, 1977, Archimedes Trajano, a 21-year-old student of Mapua Institute of Technology, attended an open forum with Imee Marcos, 21-year-old daughter of the dictator. Her father had appointed her National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay youth organization. When Trajano questioned her about her appointment, Imee apparently became irritated. Her guards seized Trajano and dragged him away. His body was found hours later: he had been severely tortured and beaten to death."[30]


Nine years after the killing of Archimedes Trajano, his mother, Agapita Trajano, pressed charges against Imee Marcos and her accomplices for "false imprisonment, kidnapping, wrongful death, and a deprivation of rights" of her son. Marcos and her lawyers did not deny that Trajano was tortured—instead, they argued that as agents of the state, the soldiers who killed Trajano were immune from suit in a foreign state.[31] The Honolulu district court awarded $2.5 million in punitive damages, $1.25 million for mental anguish to Agapita Trajano and $246,966 in attorney's fees and costs against Imee Marcos for the murder of Archimedes Trajano, by Marcos's personal bodyguards.[32] Imee Marcos retaliated by saying, 'Yes, Archimedes Trajano was tortured and killed but it's none of your business.'[33]



1986 ouster, and life in exile


Increasing unrest springing from the economic collapse of the Philippines in the years after the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino in 1983 came to a head in February 1986, when the EDSA Revolution succeeded in unseating the Marcoses from Malacañang palace.[34]


Fearful of a scenario in which Marcos' presence in the Philippines would lead to a civil war,[34] the Reagan administration flew Marcos and a party of about 80 individuals[35] - the extended Marcos family and a number of close associates[36] - from the Philippines to Hawaii despite Marcos' objections.[34] Imee and her family were on the flight with her parents.[37]


The exiles stayed at Hickam Air Force Base at the expense of the US Government. A month later, they moved into a pair of residences in Makiki Heights, Honolulu, which were registered to Antonio Floirendo and Bienvenido and Gliceria Tantoco.[35]


Marcos would eventually die in exile in 1989.[38]


President Corazon Aquino eventually allowed the Marcoses, including Imee, to return to the Philippines in order to face various charges.[39] News reports from the period record that Marcos supporters organized crowd from Manila's slums to welcome the Marcoses on their return.[39]



Post-exile career




Imee Marcos in August 2013.



Return to politics


Twelve years after her family's exile, Marcos returned to the world of politics. She ran as Congresswoman of the 2nd District of Ilocos Norte and won. She assumed office on June 30, 1998, and ended June 30, 2007.


In the 2010 elections, she ran as governor of Ilocos Norte against her cousin, Michael Marcos Keon, who was the governor during that time. She defeated her cousin by a landslide victory. Imee had 196,160 votes while her cousin, Gov. Michael had only 86,005 votes. She assumed office on June 30, 2010.


She was re-elected as governor in the 2013 polls, unopposed. On October 16, 2015, she filed as a candidate for her third and final term. She was reelected in the 2016 elections.


During the 3rd Sulong Pilipinas Convention last 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte named Imee as one of his campaign contributors, saying that she borrowed money to fund his campaign. However, Duterte's Statement of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE) does not include her as a donor. Imee denied the claim saying that she just helped him get votes from the Ilocos Region.[40][41]


In 2018, she expressed her desire to run for senator "to bring back the Marcoses to Malacañang Palace one day."[42]



Establishment of the Marcos political dynasty


Imee Marcos' entrance into politics, beginning with her term as congresswoman of the 2nd District of Ilocos Norte in 1998, saw her taking over the position previously held by her brother, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who became governor of Ilocos Norte that same year.[43] In the context of their mother Imelda Marcos' similar return to politics as congresswoman in Leyte in 1995,[43] journalists and academics noted that the Marcoses had cemented a polittical dynasty after their return from exile,[44][43] despite the explicit anti-dynasty provision in Article II Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines.[45]



Saying that this was a common occurrence because of the way Philippne society is structured, Imee Marcos asserted in a November 2012 interview with the Sydney Morning Herald[44] that:



"It's pretty feudal in the Philippines still, even though we like to fool ourselves."[44]



Political scientist Ramon Casiple, in an interview with the South China Morning Post,[46] noted:



“The Marcos support through the years is based on their maintaining the Marcos loyalists, largesse to Ilocos Norte bailiwick, and cultivating the myth of a golden era during the Marcos regime.”[46]



Renegade and establishment of CREAM




Imee Marcos at a CREAM event


Marcos has been president and executive producer of Renegade Filmamakers since 1996.[22]


In 2007, along with some industry luminaries, Imee Marcos established the Creative Media and Film Society of the Philippines (CREAM). A year after CREAM evolved into CREAM Content Distribution, Inc., a production company that specializes in animation, game and film production. She is currently the president of CREAM.[47]



Unexplained wealth


Imee Marcos was named in the Offshore Leaks – Panama Papers,[48] along with her three sons, Fernando Martin, Matthew Joseph, Ferdinand Richard Michael, her sister Irene Marcos,[49][50][51] her brother-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III, and her estranged husband Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Kalaw Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.[52][53] According to records uncovered by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, Imee and her three sons are beneficiaries of the Sintra Trust, which was formed in June 2002 in the British Virgin Islands. Other documents, the latest dated 2010, also name Imee as a financial adviser for the Sintra Trust as well as ComCentre Corporation, which was formed in January 2002 and is still in operation. She is also identified as a "master client" for the M Trust, which was formed in July 1997 and closed July 2009. However, these three offshore accounts do not appear in Imee's Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net worth (SALN).[54] The SALN is required of all public officials and employees, and should include all of the officials' assets and liabilities.[55]



Misuse of tobacco funds



On 2 March 2017, House Majority Leader Rodolfo Fariñas, along with Pampanga representatives Aurelio Gonzales Jr. and Juan Pablo Bondoc, filed House Resolution 882, which requested the House Committee on Good Government to "conduct an inquiry" about the misues of PHP 66.45 million from Ilocos Norte's share of excise tax funds to obtain more than 110 units of motor vehicles. The resolution cited that the "highly irregular purchase" violated 2 republic acts—RA No. 7171, "An Act to Promote the Development of the Farmer in the Virginia Tabacco Producing Provinces," [56] and RA No. 9184, "Government Procurement Reform Act[57] --and 1 presidential decree: PD No. 1445, Government Auditing Code of the Philippines.[58][59] The investigation began on 2 May 2017.[60]


The vehicles were said to be for distribution to the different baranggays and municipalities.[59] Marcos justified the purchase as a response to the multiple requests of farmers asking for vehicles,[61] although Fariñas had pointed out that RA 7171 does not include purchasing vehicles as a means to utilize the excise tax. He also pointed out that a baranggay captain from Laoag City received vehicles, despite the fact that there are no tobacco farms in that area.[60] Other baranggay captains have also complained that the vehicles were not duly registered under the Land Transportation Office (LTO), or filed as government property, so costs for oil and gas could not be reimbursed by the baranggay budget.[62]


On the 24 July 2017 hearing, six local officials confessed that they have indeed access to tobacco excise tax funds used to pay 70 mini-trucks.[63] Pedro Agcaoili, Eden Batulayan, Josephine Calajete, Encarnacion Gaor, Genedine Jambaro, and Evangeline Tabulog[64] also acknowledged that their signatures were written on pertinent documents, a fact that they had previously denied.[65] Marcos also admitted that the said mini-trucks were bought from a direct contractor, and was not up for public bidding, as was the protocol when government property is procured.[63]


Upon continued investigation and hearings, the House committee discovered that all the purchased vehicles "were overpriced by PHP21,450,000."[66][67] The direct contractor who sold 40 units of mini cab was identified as Mark Chua, who is also currently Marcos' long-time boyfriend, who overpriced the mini cabs by PHP7,800,000 overall.[66][67] The committee also verified the complaints from baranggay captains that the vehicles did not have registrations from the LTO. Committee Report No. 638 therefore concluded and recommended that charges be filed against Marcos, Chua, and several local officials.[66] As of July 2018, another "fact-finding investigation" initiated by the Office of the Ombudsman is underway. If they find enough cause, the Ombudsman will then open a formal investigation.[68]



As beneficiaries of illegal Swiss foundations


In the conviction of her mother Imelda Marcos for seven counts of graft in November 2018,[69] the Sandiganbayan anti-graft court found that illegal Swiss foundations were used to earn from investments and interests to benefit Imelda and Ferdinand Marcos and their beneficaries Imee Marcos, Bongbong Marcos, and Irene Marcos-Araneta.[70]


The Sandiganbayan's 5th Division convicted former Imelda Marcos for creating and maintaining seven private foundations in Switzerland while holding government positions from 1968 to 1986. The Imee and her siblings were named as beneficiaries of two of the illegal foundations: the Trinidad Foundation and the Xandy Foundation.[70]



Party affiliation


She formerly belonged to the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan, or KBL, the political party of her father.[8] Subsequently, she joined the alliance of the Nacionalista Party of Manny Villar in support of her mother and her brother. She is the sister of former Senator Bongbong Marcos.



Martial Law revisionism


As with other Marcos family members who have stayed in the public eye since their return to the Philippines,[71][72][73] Imee Marcos has received significant criticism[74] for instances of historical revisionism, and the denial or trivializing of the human rights violations and economic plunder that took place during the Marcos administration, and of the role she played in the administration.[73][74]


Prominent examples of statements by Imee Marcos which have received such criticism include her 2016 statement that she was "too young" to have any power during her father's administration,[75] and her 2018 assertion that critics should just "move on" regarding the crimes and excesses of the martial law era.[76]



"Move on" from torture, corruption and murder comment


On August 21, 2018, the anniversary of the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. who had flown back to the Philippines to face her father, Imee Marcos told Filipinos to "move on" from the abuses, murders and massacres during her father's dictatorship. Imee Marcos stated "The millennials have moved on, and I think people at my age should also move on as well".[76]


To this, various sectors of the youth protested, releasing statements such as "She has no right to claim what our stand is on the issue. Not in our name, Imee Marcos", "The millennials, the youth in general, have not moved on and we will never move on from the Marcoses’ crimes against the Filipino people. Not until justice has been served to the thousands of Filipinos who were killed, abducted and tortured under their reign, we will not move on",[77]"Binubuo pa lang ako ng magulang ko may utang na ako. Paano ako nagmo-move on Imee Marcos?" (I was still being formed by my parents in the womb, already I had debts. How can I move on, Imee Marcos?),[78]"When your family’s in jail, when you return what you stole,when Marcos is taken out of Libingan ng mga Bayani, then we move on", and "The gall of Imee Marcos to ask why many have not “moved on” from the turbulent past they caused is like asking someone who got robbed to just think of the stolen item as donation. Sauli nyo mga ninakaw nyo! (Return what you stole!)"[79]


In a statement before media, Marcos said "...what I've heard is that there are calls for an apology tantamount on admission, which we would never do" and stated that she didn't know what her family should admit to in the first place.[80]



Family denial


Imee Marcos denies that human rights abuses occurred during her family's regime and called them political accusations.[81]


In a press briefing, she said "Kung ang dinedemand ay admission (of guilt) ay palagay ko hindi pwede 'yun." (If what is demanded is an admission of guilt, I don't think that's possible)


When asked why, she replied: "Bakit kami mag-aadmit sa hindi namin ginawa?" (Why would we admit to something we did not do?)


She then stated: "As we all know, these are political accusations that have not been proven in court."[81]



Personal life


Marcos is the eldest daughter of Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Romuáldez Marcos. Her siblings are, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., Irene Marcos-Araneta, and Aimee Marcos. She also has a number of half-siblings who are not as known by the public at large.[82][2] This includes three siblings which her father had with Carmen Ortega of the powerful Ortega clan of La Union, who was his common-law wife before he married Imelda Romuáldez.[83][82]


Imee Marcos was married to golfer and former professional basketball coach Tommy Manotoc. They have three sons: Fernando Martín ("Borgy"), a commercial model and club DJ; Ferdinand Richard Michael ("Mike"), a lawyer; and Matthew Joseph ("MJ"), a sports agent and the Senior Provincial Board Member (2nd district) of Ilocos Norte since June 30, 2016.[84][22] Since her legal separation from Manotoc, Marcos has been in a long-term relationship with Singaporean businessman and resident, Mark Chua, since the 1990s.[85]



References





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  18. ^ Original Filipino quote: Yes, tama po. Talagang it's the season, talagang eleksyon na eleksyon na kahit hindi pa nagdedeklara ang Comelec, ginawa rin yan kay Bongbong at sa iba pang mga ah nakikilala natin na, my record speaks for itself. Palagay ko, performance man lang, eh, makikita naman natin, na alam naman natin ang ginagawa at marami naman tayong natulungan. Higit sa lahat, marami tayong solysyon na maidudulot at nakakatulong sa nakararami. Naniniwala ako na ito ang unang henerasyon na talagang tayo puedeng magtapos na ng gutom at kahirapan. Nandiyan na ang siyensiya, ang agham para sa agrikultura, nandiyan na rin sa medisina para walang nang namamatay sa infections at iba pang sakit. So wala na tayong excuse, nandiyan pa ang big data at technology para ma-monitor ang bawat isa sa mahihirap sa Pilipinas. Tapusin natin ang kahirapan sa dekadang ito.


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Further reading



  • Vizmanos, Danilo, Through the Eye of the Storm (Ken Inc., Manila, 2000),
    ISBN 971-8558-41-1

  • Vizmanos, Danilo, Martial Law Diary: Part 1 (Popular Bookstore, Manila, 2003)

  • Seagrave, Sterling, The Marcos Dynasty (Harper & Row, New York, 1988),
    ISBN 0-06-015815-8



External links


Media related to Imee Marcos at Wikimedia Commons



  • Philippine House of Representatives

  • Personal Profile

  • Makati Business Club Congress Watch

  • Chronicle of troubled times

  • Debt, Power and Imee Marcos

  • Marcos wealth issue raised in federal court

  • her father's daughter

  • claimants welcome settlement

  • Rehabilitating a Dictatorship

  • Imee Marcos urges mom to allow FM burial in Ilocos Norte

  • Ferdinand Edralin Marcos









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